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Prime Ministers,
President of the Senate,
President of the National Assembly,
Former and present ministers,
Ambassadors,
Mayor of Paris,
President of the Fondation de la Shoah
Religious representatives,
Presidents,
President of the CRIF (Representative Council of the Jewish institutions of France),
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Thank you for your welcome, your commitment and your vigilance. I have listened to you and I have heard you, as have the many members of the government here today.
I am delighted to be among you today for this annual meeting promoting dialogue and thinking between the government and the Jewish community. I appreciate the CRIF’s role in the contemporary debate, its capacity for reaction and its ability to explain the situation in the face of certain accusations that attempt to spread fear and confusion among the Jews of France.
I am also extremely pleased that the CRIF dinner has become an important event for political leaders, when they put aside partisan quarrels and take time to think.
Lastly, I welcome the leaders of the major religions present here today. Mr. President, you have made the CRIF dinner an occasion for real discussion among all the religions.
2003 was a difficult year both at home and abroad. I come with a message of conciliation.
I – In international relations, we would like to lend weight to the law and dialogue
A. What is our vision of the Middle East?
As regards the challenges facing the international community today, France strongly believes that action should be based on the unity of this international community if it is to be effective and on the condition of justice inherent in international law if it is to be legitimate.
These principles guide us in our approach to the tensions and great uncertainties facing the Near and Middle East.
France would like to see the building of peace and stabilization throughout the region by means of the law, development and dialogue between the cultures to create the conditions for lasting stability.
For over three years now, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has spiraled. The Israeli people have been cruelly hit by terrorism, which France condemns with all its might. Blind killing regularly strikes at the heart of the people.
This conflict is also an ordeal for the Palestinians, whose lives have been tragically affected. It is a situation that spawns frustration and resentment, both today and for the future.
Peace and security can only be found by means of a negotiated settlement based on international law and mutual compromise. It is with this in mind that the peace plan approved by the Quartet, accepted by both parties and endorsed by the entire Security Council should be implemented.
This Road Map offers a way of reaching a settlement that will guarantee Israel’s security while enabling the Palestinians to live in the dignity of a sovereign State.
Confidence in the force of justice and the unity of the international community also guides our policy on Iraq. We would like to see the successful economic and political reconstruction of Iraq.
To achieve this, Iraq needs to regain its domestic sovereignty and its place in the international community with the assistance of the United Nations as an expression of international legitimacy. Such is the framework in which France is prepared to meet its responsibilities to contribute to the reconstruction process. Such is the spirit in which France proposes the holding of an international conference on Iraq.
B. France and Israel
The State of Israel and France are two friendly countries. The differences that the situation in the Middle East could prompt between the two countries could in no way undermine the deep friendship that bonds them.
France and Israel have a strong relationship nourished by long-standing and ever-renewed bonds. Everyone knows about the role France played to help the young State of Israel ensure its existence. The large French-speaking community of Israel, which deserves a higher profile, and the large Jewish community of France have developed a remarkably strong and active relationship between the two countries.
France and Israel decided that they would like to give this relationship a fresh boost to further the expression of its immense potential. Such was the task assigned to the high-level working group chaired by Professor David Khayat and Ambassador Yehuda Lancry, who identified a certain number of symbolic and sustainable projects such as the creation of a new French Institute in Tel Aviv.
This program of actions will help strengthen our future bilateral relations in the political, scientific, cultural, economic and trade fields.
The imminent State visit by President Katsav, who will be awarded an honorary doctorate by the Sorbonne, will provide a great opportunity to celebrate and boost this relationship.
On this subject, I would like to say how shocked I am at the death threats sent to the President of the University of Paris IV.
We will do everything in our power to find the perpetrators.
II – French mobilization against anti-Semitism
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I know that the Jews of France are particularly concerned about anti-Semitic acts and their unacceptable number.
France is not an anti-Semitic country.
Yet it does contain a residue of extreme rightwing anti-Semitism. There is also anti-Semitism based on resentment, built up by certain individuals who feel marginalized, seek a conflictual identity, make absurd connections and reason in terms of hatred.
I want to fight this anti-Semitism by means of the necessary repression, but also by means of prevention.
I have said it before and I impress upon you this evening that it is intolerable that a citizen in France could be attacked because he is Jewish. But rest assured that the entire country feels concerned and that my entire government is mobilized to combat this hydra with its many hideous and regrowing heads.
The will to set up a highly operational mechanism has given rise to the creation, at the initiative of the Head of State, of the interministerial committee for combating racism and anti-Semitism chaired by myself. This political impetus is essential and the State will remain constantly mobilized at its highest level.
A. Security
The government’s resolute and assertive action is already bearing fruit. In 2003, anti-Semitic violence and threats decreased by more than one-third compared with 2002.
Yet we will not be satisfied until anti-Semitic acts have been totally eradicated, since even one act wounds France.
Moreover, a number of acts are not counted in the statistics since they are not reported to the police. In this regard, I would like to solemnly state this evening that that the State is determined to act and vigorously crack down on all intolerable acts.
Make it known, Mr. President, that the victims should not hesitate to report such acts since the greatest crime against a victim is denial.
I would like to emphasize that, contrary to what we have seen in the past, the government and the CRIF have become closer over these last two years. Co-operation has developed on anti-Semitic crime statistics and the Chancellery and National Education services now work with the CRIF.
I would like to thank you most particularly for this Mr. President.
In 2002, we started with the most urgent matter of improving security conditions and we are continuing to work in this vein. I cannot conceive of even a certain number of buildings attended by the faithful or pupils becoming targets of heinous and cowardly crimes.
This is why I decided that the State should take part in a plan to make Jewish community establishments secure. The cost of the work is estimated at 15 million euros over three years. I call on the local authorities to participate in this action.
As you know, the Minister of the Interior, Nicolas Sarkozy, is putting all his energy into taking the necessary actions based on our shared convictions. The common goal is here, as in all fields, the guarantee of the effectiveness of my government’s policy.
B. Justice
On the legal level, following the adoption of the Lellouche Law, the Minister of Justice has given all public prosecutors firm instructions to severely punish the authors of anti-Semitic acts and affronts.
I would like to mention some recent examples of this resolve. In November 2003, the Strasbourg criminal court sentenced six individuals who attempted to burn down a Jewish cemetery’s oratory to prison sentences ranging from 18 months to three years. On 20 January 2004, the Lyons criminal court sentenced the author of anti-Semitic remarks and assault to six months’ imprisonment.
Moreover, the public prosecutors’ vigilance and firmness is seen frequently with, for example, the recent criminal proceedings against a so-called comic who will have to answer for his remarks before the Paris criminal court, and the fact that Mohammed Latrèche’s statements immediately gave rise to a criminal investigation currently underway.
Faithful to his commitments, Dominique Perben has appointed judges in the jurisdictions of all the appeal courts to co-ordinate the public prosecutors’ action to combat racism and anti-Semitism and to be the official contacts for victims and grassroots associations.
This demonstrates real progress in our shared fight against intolerance. All the State services should be clearly identified and immediately available to victims.
The government also needs to bring legislation into line with its action.
In this regard, you have raised the issue that the statute of limitations for racist offences covered and punishable by the law on the freedom of the press is too short.
I share this concern and the bill to adapt the justice system to the changing face of crime directly remedies this by extending the statute of limitations for these offences from three months to one year.
C. Education
Regarding education, I call on the utmost vigilance from all members of the education community. They should react immediately at the first sign of anti-Semitism. Evil does not always attack head on. It can be insidious.
The interministerial committee of 27 January decided, at the suggestion of Luc Ferry, to improve the operational co-ordination of State services on the ground.
This co-ordination will concern not only incidents occurring within the establishments, but will also focus on stepping up the security of their surrounds and the transport used by the pupils.
State representatives need to be able to work quickly and directly with members of the school community on these subjects.
As regards schooling itself, I am concerned about a number of editorial drifts that have led the government to require the withdrawal of two educational publications whose content was likely to generate anti-Jewish attitudes among the pupils.
To prevent these serious drifts, Xavier Darcos received the publishers of school textbooks and educational publications on 28 January and firmly requested that they set up internal watchdog bodies. In addition, the ministers assigned the chief school inspectors to pay close attention to the content of all educational publications.
D. Communications
Anti-Semitism is unfortunately propagated via the most modern means and you have mentioned, Mr. President, the satellite broadcast of a series whose content is vehemently anti-Semitic.
I considered it my duty, along with several of my ministers, to take the time to watch these unbearable images, which sear the heart and disgust the mind. Hate scenarios are back.
Obviously, we must come down hard against the dissemination of documents that are anti-Semitic or racist or form an incitement to racial or religious hatred, regardless of the dissemination means and the origin of such documents. The public authorities have, in fact, responded immediately: the Minister of Justice and the CSA (the French broadcasting supervisory body) have referred the case to the Paris public prosecutor’s department and the CEO of Eutelsat will soon be heard by the CSA.
Although the publisher is certainly criminally liable, proceedings against a legal entity abroad rely on the existence of international judicial co-operation agreements whose application is not automatic. This is a failing in our legal system.
I therefore asked Jean-Jacques Aillagon to promptly look into how to remedy this situation. I would like to thank him for his efficiency since I am in a position this evening to announce what we are going to do.
On 10 February 2004, the government will propose amending the law of 30 September 1986 as part of the examination of the bill on electronic communications and audiovisual communication services.
The new legislative provisions proposed to Parliament will enable the CSA to bring an action before the administrative judge in chambers to stop the broadcasting of a private channel whose programs allegedly breach the major principles whereby the freedom of communication can be limited, one of these breaches obviously being anti-Semitism.
The law could also grant the CSA the possibility of insisting that satellite operators provide it with information on the channels they are broadcasting. The CSA would moreover be authorized to fine operators who do not comply with their obligations.
In addition to these important and urgent decisions, I sincerely believe that our fight against hatred should take a new turn.
As Lionel Stoléru wrote: “A country with Jew-ache is aching elsewhere”. Society is lacking in love. When racism takes the stage, we have to look to fraternity to take the stage.
I call on creators, artists, intellectuals and all those who think that “the future is in the Other” to get together in a sort of “fraternity against hatred” group to form a strong and popular resistance against hatred. It is up to them to choose the nature of this commitment.
By declaring “2004 the year of fraternity”, the State has given itself the means to accompany this necessary national mobilization to ensure that respect and love drive out hatred. There is great cause for concern, given the impact that such images may have on the minds of young people who have neither been taught to respect nor to love others. The broadcasting of such programs must be stopped and those responsible punished. We must also encourage the sharing by all of respect as a value, as it is the only true antidote to the hatred harbored by the least educated and broadminded people. This is why I really believe that the time has come to fight hatred nationally by calling on people to mobilize in support of the values embodied by the fraternity that lies at the heart of our Republican pact. This is the only possible way of responding, through heartfelt values, to those intent on tearing society apart and undermining national cohesion.
Anti-Semitism is a scourge that we need to fight relentlessly. The Government has been working closely with the CRIF for nearly two years now and a number of successes have been scored thanks to this, thanks to our working together and to this partnership. But we must now also launch, therefore, a bold, innovative initiative to create a new dimension to help us mobilize around this determination to drive hatred out of our country.
I would now like to speak briefly on secularism and Judaism. Last year, I spoke to you about how I saw the relations between religion and politics. There have since been many debates on secularism, which bear witness to how keenly important this idea is to us today.
I said it standing here last year and I will say it again; secularism is not about hostility to religion. Far from it. As Emile Poulat so rightly said: “Secularism is not simply the spirit of emancipation through philosophy, but also a policy of peacemaking through law.”
In other words, secularism is the syntax, the code by which all religions can live and dialogue peacefully within our Republican State.
The roots of secularism are found in our history and in our tradition. The Jews of France have been players in this history: secularism has given them a real place.
Ever since 1790 and the Republic’s affirmation of their full citizenship, they have lived in tune with the Republic through its fortunate periods and its bleak periods. And I must stress that the Jews’ misfortunes have been the Republic’s misfortunes.
Today, and I firmly believe this, secularism is an eminently modern concept that should be allowed to thrive with an eye on the future that it opens up for us. I know, moreover, that the Jewish community is aware of the need for everyone to respect this value that forms the basis for our living together.
Since it is one of our traditions, secularism cannot be challenged. This is precisely why it seemed necessary to reiterate a certain number of simple rules in the current debates.
A. Concrete application
Following the Stasi Commission’s work, the President of the Republic announced on 17 December 2003 his desire to implement a set of measures to remind the population of the importance of secularism.
The bill that I will present to Parliament next week aims to ensure that State primary and secondary schools remain areas of Republican neutrality. It also aims to ensure equality between men and women, which is fundamental to us all.
This is why the wearing of ostentatiously religious clothes and symbols, including skullcaps, will be banned from State primary and secondary schools.
I know that the Jewish community understands.
This is not to challenge the pupils’ freedom of conscience. It is simply to protect pupils who choose State school from religious proselytism and to enable the national education system’s State education community to run smoothly.
As you can see, secularism encompasses both principles that benefit all and a requirement that sometimes needs to be reasserted.
In certain circumstances, the Republic’s silence is indicative of its absence.
IV – I will now talk to you about France
As you can see, our current debates go to the heart of the shared values of our beloved and old country. At the heart of these values is the idea of the nation and national identity, which should be at the heart of the thinking of all political leaders today.
A. A multitude of identities
The debate on secularism that I have just mentioned calls for us all together to consider the changes in French society and become aware of its diversity while placing limits on unacceptable practices.
Yet the question of identity also arises as regards local identities. The French people would also like to see consideration of their regional identity in the shape of a language or popular traditions, for example.
We also need to take a new look at the national identity in the light of European developments and globalization. The citizen has to manage a number of identities: the French people today are both European and stakeholders in global development.
The development of the individual identity also needs to be taken into account. People and professions are trying to find their place in a constantly evolving society where there are no longer any established positions.
This questioning of identities tends to blur the collective landmarks. There are too many people who, in the name of the rights of the individual and individualism, do not understand their collective responsibility. This undermines democracy itself.
In the face of these questions, it is the responsibility of the politicians to find answers for the public sphere.
B. The Nation’s values are transcendent for the citizen
I believe that we should offer the citizen transcendent principles in the form of a collective ambition.
Politicians seek higher principles that transcend simple power: giving meaning to community life, meaning founded on values that transcend the individual, such as liberty, equality and fraternity.
With the French Revolution, this ambition became shared by all French people.
Where is that transcendence today? Where is the individual’s ability to transcend himself while preserving what he cherishes the most, his freedom? The religions provide their answers.
I think that part of the State’s answer lies in Europe, which is a way for France to transcend itself. Yet, at the same time, the European identity cannot be a substitute identity. Europe needs a France that knows what it is.
This is why I believe that transcendence in the political arena today still resides in the nation. As citizens, France transcends us.
C. What the Nation is not
I think that the Republic should take up this debate and values anew.
The idea of the nation is too beautiful to be distorted by an inward-looking attitude. It should not be the exclusionary nationalism proffered by the extreme right, which has never been capable of expressing a great ambition for France.
Others think that the nation can be transcended through internationalism, in the name of border-free solidarity between the peoples. I believe that this would deprive individuals of a collective force, scattering them to the four winds in an aimless environment.
D. Confidence in the Nation
The nation is first and foremost about knowing who we are. Secularism is part of our national identity. This is why we have been intent on reasserting its relevance today.
The nation is also about giving the citizen a place in the world. Since Evil is nonsense, its first antonym, before Good, is sense.
This is why France does not talk of Good, but rather works to find a response to global disorder and build peace.
The nation is also about the citizen’s ability to see himself as a member of the community, to cultivate solidarity among the French people.
I do not shrink from, for example, calling on that part of aspiration to the greater good in everyone.
When we have to work a little longer to protect pensions for all, when we have to work an extra day out of the fraternity we owe to dependent individuals, when we have to change our habits on the roads, I do not think twice about asking the French people to make an individual effort to serve the community.
I know they understand, sometimes with difficulty, but never with any real acrimony.
As Renan said back in 1882 in that seminal work What is a Nation?, over and above its shared history, geography and language, France is a soul, a spiritual principle, a will to live together.
I say it again, I would like to consolidate this will and I say to the Jews of France: do not be afraid, do not be tempted by those who seek to separate you from the national community.
You can have confidence in France because you are France, because each and every one of you holds a part of that common good that is our country.
I would like to persuade French society to see itself as it is and to look forward to the future.
I firmly believe that this is the role of the Head of Government.
Let’s strive for what brings us together rather than what keeps us apart.
And what brings us together is our love for France.
Thank you.